THISDAYonline

Some positive developments in a few African countries in recent times give cause for joy. The successful transition from Jerry Rawlings to John Kufuor in Ghana marked a pleasant turning point in the history of that country. For once those that believed that Africa cannot get it right had a good opportunity to reappraise their stand. With what happened in Ghana, it is beyond any shadow of doubt that the country has been put on a path of political stability anchored on democracy.

In our neighbouring Benin Republic, the signal coming out is what can make a continent that has experienced the worst that can happen to any people, rejoice that at last there could be a silver-ining somewhere.

The immediate post-colonial history of Benin Republic was not different from the rest of Africa. Ethnicity and nepotism or what Richard Joseph would call prebendal politics, was rife. All the parties that were formed to fight for independence had very strong ethnic affiliations. For instance, the Dahomey Democratic Party led by Hubert Maga, was supported by the Bariba and Somba of the northern part of the country. The Dahomey Democratic Union led by Justin Ahomadagbe had as supporters the Fon of the Central Province and Abomey. For the Dahomey Nationalist Party which had Sorou Migan Apithy as head, support base was given by the Yoruba population of the Southern Province.

For this country, independence was achieved on August 1, 1960 and by December of that year when the first post-independence elections were held, a political realignment had produced a kind of national government led by a newly-formed Unity Party with Maga and Apithy elected President and Vice President respectively.

Shortly after, the opposition Democratic Union was outlawed and the country declared a one-party state. In June 1961, Ahodamagbe, the opposition leader and top members of his party were arrested and charged with plotting to overthrow the government. They were all sentenced to five years imprisonment while the labour union was dissolved.

Hubert Maga's government thought by banning the trade union, it had solved the problem of workers' unrest. But that was a great mistake as the government was forced to resign on October 28, 1963 following a nationwide workers' strike. Colonel Soglo, the Commander of the country's Armed Forces was invited to take over. He announced an interim government that included Maga and Apithy. Soglo eventually seized power a couple of years later following the eruption of violence from Maga's supporters in the northern part of the country. He also promoted himself general. But that was only the beginning of a chain of crises and instability that bedeviled the country and eventually brought Matthieu Kerekou, then a Marxist-inclined military officer, to power through a coup in January 1972. He changed the country's name from Dahomey to Benin Republic.

In the late 1980s, the convocation of Sovereign National Conference became an attractive option for a number of African countries as a way of moving towards the path of democracy. Sovereign National Conference meant that an elected assembly had sovereign powers. In fact till the conference finishes its deliberation, the government in power would be in abeyance. It could dissolve the government or strip it of its powers. Some French-speaking countries in the West-Coast under military rule went through that political ritual. It was an act of national cleansing.

Among all the countries that instituted Sovereign National Conference, that of Benin Republic appeared to be the most successful. It became a model. Kerekou, despite being a military person, and a Marxist then, subjected himself to the supreme will of the people. He did not influence the process and he did not determine the outcome. The process eventually consumed him. That conference threw up Nicephore Soglo, an economist of the first order, who had worked with the Bretton Woods institutions.

The consequence was the inauguration of multi-party democracy in the country. For the first time in the history of Africa, an incumbent military president was defeated in a presidential election. Nobody felt a soldier could become such a born-again democrat. Kerekou pointed the way and showed other African leaders that it was possible. On a continent that paraded and still parades the likes of Mobutu Sese Seko, Daniel arap Moi, Jean Bedel Bokassa, Machias Nguema, Gnassingbe Eyadema, Samuel Doe, Kamuzu Banda, not to talk of Idi Amin, what happened in Benin Republic was like a bright sun after a darkness. Kerekou accepted the outcome of the election that followed the Sovereign Conference and Nicephore Soglo was sworn in as president. Soglo had so much goodwill owing to his contribution to the Sovereign Conference and the fact of his being an economist and international consultant. The West moved in and extended aid packages to Benin.

Any other leader defeated that way could have had his political career ended. But in Benin Republic, Kerekou went back to plan and plot strategy on how to come back. Five years later, Soglo was floored and Kerekou took over. How did Soglo squander all the initial goodwill?

Last week, Benin nationals went to the polls to elect another president for the next five years. In the race were Kerekou, the incumbent, Soglo and a number of others who can be classified as the "also-ran". The first round has been inconclusive. Though Kerekou has won the majority votes with about 39.68 percent of votes, while Soglo has secured 30.49 percent, a run-off scheduled for March 18 is inevitable. Whatever the final outcome (a winner needs at least 50 percent of votes or the leading two will go for a second round), one thing is clear, democracy has come to stay in Benin Republic. Kerekou can rightly be described as the architect of it and father of the country. Even as the inclusive election results have shown, he has made significant in-roads into the southern strong-hold of Soglo.

The impact of the military in the political development of Africa and other third world countries has been the subject of discussion over the years. It has been said that the military as an institution cannot midwife democracy. The other theory relates to military disengagement from politics. Classical political science teaches that for the military, disengagement is a problem. They will neither stay nor quit. For them to quit, they will want somebody they can trust. If they are not sure of someone, they will not go. Events in Nigeria and many other countries where military disengagement has taken place point to that. In Argentina, Raul Alfonsin haunted the military leaders who handed power to him and made them to account for their deeds. The military in that country regretted it because he ended up disgracing them. In South Korea, Chu Do Wan and Ro Tae Woo, two former leaders of that country were called upon to account for their deeds while in power. The result was a bitter experience for both of them. Augusto Pinochet of Chile, even at an advanced age, has not known respite since leaving office even with a negotiated exit even though he is living outside his country. It is situations like this that make the military dread disengagement and it is such situations that breed instability because if they can neither stay nor quit, the probable outcome can only be instability.

In Nigeria, the two successful attempts at military disengagement have followed the pattern of handing over to those that do not have the capacity to call them back to render account of their stewardship.

But Kerekou proved different. He allowed his country's Sovereign National Conference to run full course and declined from interfering in the transition process. If he was corrupt, the Soglo government that took over from him initially would have nailed him especially given that he did not hide his intention to re-contest the presidency. And because he set an example of transparency in the conduct of election, Soglo did not have the intention, or even if he had, the capacity to manipulate the 1996 election that returned Kerekou to power. There can be no further evidence that in that country, representative democracy had been firmly established.

This latest election is a case in point. Kerekou has made it clear that if he wins, this would be his last term. He did not say that there is no vacancy in the seat of government. As usual, he has pledged to abide by the outcome of the election.

Whichever way it goes, Kerekou has set a standard. He has become a model. While civilians like Arap Moi take delight in manipulating the electoral process to perpetuate themselves in office, a former soldier has established a model of democracy.

Benin Republic is a very small and poor country with very limited natural endowments. She only survives by the grace of France, the former colonial master, and Nigeria, her supposedly powerful and rich neighbour. If Nigeria closes her border with Benin Republic even for a short while that country will groan in economic hardship. But it is a country that has set a standard which Nigeria may in reality, find difficult to attain.

There is a linkage between the agitation for Sovereign National Conference in Nigeria and its success in Benin Republic. It was when it recorded a resounding success in that country that pro-democracy and human rights groups started calling on the Nigerian military to convene a Sovereign National Conference after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election. The argument against such a conference was that Nigeria might not survive it and that Nigeria and Benin Republic had fundamental differences. Even now that democracy is said to have returned to Nigeria, there are still calls for a Sovereign National Conference

Even as the present crop of elected officers in Nigeria have not gone half-way into their tenure, not a few among them are threatening fire and brimstone on what would happen if they are not re-elected in 2003 without reflecting on whether or not they would see 2003. Many state governors have flagged off campaigns for their re-election. As for Aso Rock, we have been told that there will be no vacancy in 2003. That is the difference between a country that wants a place in the sun even with limited resources and a giant with clay feet which has remained "potentially a great country" after more than 40 years of independence.

Kerekou has shown the way. In his country, Benin Republic, there is vacancyfor the highest office in the land at election time in the spirit of true democracy but in Nigeria, there is none which symbolises the falsehood that our own brand of democracy represents.