THISDAYonline

Governance is like clay-pot business, until you are home with your profit in your hands, you hardly can be at peace. It is worse, when the route to such power point was charted by some benevolent god-father investors.

When the latter is the case, there is a perpetual hot race on the steep gradient of power rail. And with the battle, comes the rubbing together of two iron panels which in-turn generate heat and in most cases ignite the system with occasional sparks. Interestingly, that heats up the entire system as its effects reverberates across the land. That is one of the many scenarios that have put some Governors under siege.

In cases where the paths to political stardom were not charted by some local omnipotent forces, these category of Governors face another type of trouble, sometimes from within, and at some other times, from without.

In both cases, maintaining and controlling the power machine becomes a running battle. Although the battle is more often not fought with weapons of carnal warfare, the blaze of the battle could be so engaging that it could actually distract the very act of true governance. Yet it is a battle that have openly been fought.

More often, the evidence of such naked fights is known to many within the political process. And when it is not so blatant, only to those with discerning eyes and ears around the corridors of power know what is happening but the effects are seen and felt by many beyond the shores of the affected states.

In the last one year, the list of governors with troubled mandates has been growing steadily. The first character on that stage is the Anambra state Governor, Dr. Chris Ngige, who has been waging fierce political battle against superintending forces since he was barely two months in office. But behind him now is a long queue of troubled governors, each standing sentinel over the mandate they were given about a year ago. Some of such governors include James Ibori (Delta), Joshua Dariye (Plateau), Rashidi Ladoja (Oyo), Boni Haruna (Adamawa), Orji Kalu (Abia) and Peter Odili (Rivers). Some other governors have been managing to contend with the forces battling them in their states.

Each of these listed governors have been at daggers drawn with forces determined to bring down the roof on them. While some of the cases are being fought in the legal domain, albeit with political weapons, others are purely being slugged out in the political arena.

Will their traducers relent, or will the governors give up? Or will the ding-dong fight continue to rob the people of beneficial governance? These are some of the critical questions facing these troubled States Chief executives.

One of the direct results of this ugly development is that the polity has become seriously rancourous so much that things are no longer the same. And as things stand, things have fallen apart for these governors under siege so much so that the central can no longer hold for them. The political platform that once held them together known as the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is fast breaking into divisive groups and things have fallen apart very badly for the party.

The PDP Connection

President Obasanjo in his inaugural speech on May 29,1999, had promised to eliminate all forms of political friction in the polity, stressing that there was great and urgent need to strengthen party politics and do away with all forms of political clashes that tend to undermine the business of good governance. "I am determined to stretch my hand of fellowship to all Nigerians regardless of their political affiliations. I intend to reconcile all those who feel alienated by past political events and will endeavour to heal divisions and to restore harmony we used to know in this country." But sadly, analysts are of the view that more than anything else, political cleavages, crisis, friction and clashes within the ruling PDP have made a mess of the president's dream. The spectre of political conflicts in the land occasioned by the infighting within the ruling PDP have assumed a frightening dimension in recent times. In fact, in the last one week, the combatants in the ongoing battle for control of Africa's largest political party and by extension jostling for the soul of Nigeria in 2007, have been deploying all weapons at their disposal to prosecute the war. The consequences of all their titanic political battles in the last few days have been the reduction of Nigeria to one huge theatre of war. From Kogi to Anambra and down to Imo, it is the same endless story of violent confrontations, accusations and counter accusations. And some PDP governors and power players are involved. Political commentators are quick to point out that it is not by accident that all the troubled governors whose mandate are under threat are all PDP members. In fact, the level of political war within even the PDP is awesome. But again, the questions are being raised: Why is it that all those governors facing one problem or the other are all PDP? Is it true that the PDP devours its own men for political gains?

For these category of governors, the battle has just begun. They too are leaving things to chances. This realisation on the part of the governors, has opened a new theatre of political horse-trading and manipulations. For example, some of the governors are caught in a web of who to support between former military President Ibrahim Babangida and Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

Their calculation is that such a political godfather should be able to stand beside them in times of the gathering storms. This is a again another cause of heat within the ruling PDP. For instance, Governor Orji Uzor Kalu has not hidden his disdain for ex-military officers returning as president. Though he has not mentioned names, those in the political arena know where his support tilts.

And analysts believe that it is the calculations of these type of governors that their political godfather would be able to save them from being vanquished. Analysts further believe that this realisation cannot be totally faulted with the sudden invalidation of Governor Boni Haruna's election as chief executive of Adamawa State.

Thus, given the level of intrigues within the ruling PDP, none of these troubled governors are leaving things to chance.

A checklist of all the governors with these problems point to the fact that there is more to what is happening than meets the eye. There are those who hold the view that in some states where the governors are facing legal challenge, those in the opposition are mere pawns in a big plot by powerful forces in the PDP to unseat those category of governors.

Abia State

Some people had quarreled with the extended life span of the election tribunals, which about a year after, are still sitting and giving rulings on elections that took place almost a year ago.

But some persons insist that the wheel of the judiciary is not famed for speedy turns, arguing that even if it takes the whole term it does not matter as long as justice is met.

Not much had been heard about the election tribunal in Abia until very recently.

Indeed, the Abia election tribunal appears to have been exhumed after the state Governor, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu raised an alarm over alleged death threat on him from the Chairman Board of Trustees of the ruling PDP, Chief Tony Anenih, a man often referred to as one of the most powerful politicians in Nigeria today.

Kalu had alleged that Anenih had through his own deputy, Dr. Nwafor, threatened to give him the Bola Ige's treatment following his (kalu's) query of how Anenih managed the about N300 billion allocated to the Ministry of Works for the repairs of road, while the later was the Works minister. Bola Ige was assassinated in his Ibadan residence on December 21, 2001.

Nwafor, was to deny later that Anenih did not threaten to kill Kalu. Although the matter has since ended up in the hallowed chambers of court room, its effect has thrown up a motley of political convulsions in the polity.

On account of Nwafor's denial of any plot to assassinate his boss, Kalu was thus accused of being garrulous, and trying to play to the gallery by keying his said case into the political tension occasioned by the spate of killings that gripped the country early last month. Many have also said Kalu's alarm is a cheap way of trying to seek public attention.

But as a quick follow up on that, the system appears determined to tighten the noose of the young governor. The first casualty was his Slok airline, which has since been grounded. The Federal Government during that period announced that the airline, which was barely two months in the air, had been operating in breach of some ethical codes. The Federal Ministry of Aviation consequently announced the revocation of the license of the airline.

The dust on that development was yet to settle when suddenly the election tribunal examining the petition of the APGA candidate at the April Governorship polls of last year, Chief Onwuka Kalu, ruled that the case be re-tried. The import of that decision is considered in some quarters as an indication of the shape of things to come. In fact, the implication of that action is not lost to many in the political arena.

That way, Kalu's governorship seat is under threat. Many therefore see his recent travails as direct consequence of his affront against the system. Already, the APGA candidate has started making sundry declarations that he is sure of victory in a free and fair contest in the state.

And because the political blows dealt on Kalu, at least for now, are quite telling, the young governor, has zipped his lips in recent times, fearing that more open confrontation with the power brokers could directly elicit the ire of the federal machine and that could be devastating for his business empire and political career.

With the horizon of the fight widened for Kalu, ranging from the political through the legal and then to the economic, it is not known how the young governor of Abia state will overcome his foes. But most observers believe that one detonator of all the mines laid on his ways is politics and politics alone and his ability to scheme his way through the dangerous political tight rope will greatly determine how far he can go in the not too distant future.

Delta State

Until the few months preceding the second term campaign, the James Ibori government in Delta state had little fight to do. Its major headache then was how to develop the state from its rustic level to appreciable metropolitan status, beside the routine watch on Warri violence. But not anymore. The strands and dimensions of the battle have long spread with regenerative ease.

What appeared to have rattled (and still rattling) the government most is the ex-convict saga that has refused to fade away. Like the resurgence of water in cast region, the unnerving story of the ex-convict issue has been coming and going, but never disappearing completely.

The Governor has denied the allegation with all the powers and techniques at his disposal, yet the sleeping dogs will neither even sleep nor lie low. And that front, has thus represented one of the catch-points of the Ibori administration as it has caused unimaginable distraction to the business of governance.

Although the governor, inspite of the rage of the saga, went ahead to win the second term with hot-knife-on-butter ease, he has literally not rested since then. Recently, one Shuaibu Anyebe who was said to have been the one jailed for the offense allegedly committed by Ibori, had granted a press interview where he explained that he, not Ibori was the one actually convicted of the case of theft and negligence of duty.

With that confession many thought the dark days for Ibori were over, as that should settle all remaining doubt about Ibori's denial. But it did not. Anyebe was to head for the courts about a week later to swear to an affidavit stressing that he never granted any press interview and that although he was convicted for the said offense, one James Onanefe Ibori was also convicted same day in the same court for the same offense.

No doubt, that thickened the labyrinth of confusion befuddling the case. Indeed, the case had long gone to the Supreme court and back to the lower court, with the mandate of now determining who indeed, that James Onanefe Ibori, believed to have been convicted is or was. But several questions arise from Anyebe's latest declarations. That is left for the courts to establish. What is clear however is that it is complex legal battle cast in the prism of politics.

But one point not lost on the polity is that Ibor's travails began shortly after he was said to have mobilised his fellow PDP governors to dump President Olusegun Obasanjo, at the party's primaries where the party's presidential flagbearer was to be chosen.

Although the party soon sorted out itself and most of the governors filed behind Obasanjo, once again, the scare and scar caused by the failed attempt to drop Obasanjo has refused to fade or settle. Some political observers have thus drawn a correlation between Ibori's battles with that political faux pas.

Indeed, in the heat of the ex-convict saga last year, a lot of the traducers of Ibori often made reference to the Villa as source of its documents and information. But Ibori's pawn foes are his kinsmen, chief of which is Chief Great Ogboru, who contested the governorship election with him last year under the platform of the Alliance for Democracy (AD).

Believed to be acting on Ogboru's stead are the likes of Andrew Oru, Godwin Agbi, Derivation Front, as represented by Moses Oddiri and Joe Igbuzor. Jointly or individually, the league of the traducers appear resolutely united in bringing the Ibori adminisration down. Will they succeed, will they not succeed? This question is now for the court to consider.

It is recalled that the Supreme Court in a recent Judgement upheld the judgement of the Court of Appeal that one Mr. James Onanefe Ibori was indeed convicted over the theft of asbestos zinc worth N110,000.00 (One hundred and Ten Million Naira). But the Supreme Court did not say whether the person convicted was a different person or the Governor of Delta. The Supreme Court therefore left the determination of the actual identity of the convict to the Abuja High Court.

However, THISDAY investigation revealed that the Bwari Upper Area Court may not have convicted anybody with the name of "James Onanefe Ibori" on September 28, 1995.

THISDAY learnt that on September 21, 1995, one Shuaibu Anyebe, about 60 years old at the time and a security guard, a staff of Abuja Municipal Area Council (Bwari) Development Area office) was taken before the Upper Area Court on two-count charge of negligent conduct and criminal breach of trust.

Anyebe who was attached to the Bwari abattoir was reported by his supervisors, one Mallam Mohammed to the Police that the zinc on the roof of the abattoir building apposite Kogo village to guard but he negligently allowed the aluminium zinc valued at N10,000 to be taken away by unknown persons, thereby committing offence.

The police officer who took the report was corporal Mambo Odunu. At Bwari last month, THISDAY was able to trace Police Corporal Odumu who is now a Sergeant but he would not speak. He said he had given his report to the police headquarters and directed the reporters to the office of the Inspector General of Police.

THISDAY investigation at Bwari, however, revealed that the record of the trial of Anyebe could no longer be traced. In the record book is the trial of one James Onanefe Ibori.

The court officials would not speak to THISDAY though it was confirmed that all of them were picked up at different places on February 6, 2003 and questioned by the police.

Curiously, police records of the prosecution of Anyebe bore similarity to the records of the trial of James Onanefe Ibori, raising several issues the court would have to unravel.

The same Mallam Muhammed who reported Anyebe for negligent conduct at the Bwari police station going by the FIR was the same man in the Ibori case. The time and date (12.50 hours of September 21, 1999) were the same and it has the same case file CR-81-95.

THISDAY investigation was able to unearth the receipt of the payment of the fine by Anyebe on case CRO-81-95.

Mallam Mohammed, THISDAY findings reveal, had told the police in the course of their investigation that the person he reported to the police for negligence in 1995 was Anyebe and not Ibori.

When THISDAY visited Usman Dam, officials said there was never a loss of building materials of such magnitude.

Further investigation revealed that Corporal Sunday Musa who prosecuted Anyebe in 1995 told the police investigating team that he never at any period tried Ibori.

THISDAY findings also revealed that the recording of the trial of James Onanefe Ibori in the Bwari court proceeding did not follow the usual sequence of pagination. For instance, the recording started on page 877 and was continued on page 887.

Curiously, there were several other cases recorded in the nine page in between. Even while the case was allegedly tried on September 28 when a conviction was given, the alleged trial of James Onanefe Ibori shared pages 887 with another case which incidentally was tried on October 5, 1995.

Another question that analysts have been asking is why a fine of N1,000 would be imposed for an offence as grievious as an alleged theft of goods worth N110,000,000.

Police sources also said it was unlikely for Divisional Police Officer to conclude investigation in a criminal matter involving a huge amount like N110,000,000 without recourse to the Force Headquarters or the State Headquarters of the police as was the situation in the case under trial. But these are issues the court would have to settle. Meanwhile Ibori wails.

Cross River State

This is another PDP second-term governor. Governor Donald Duke, one of the youngest and handsome governors sailed through the first term almost without a storm - at least not a major one. But since the second term began, the young governor has been literally sleeping with one eye opened. His troublers this time are not his erstwhile deputy, John Okpa, and the Okpa group but one Ambassador Ade Akpan Obi-Odu, the immediate past Nigeria Ambassador to South Korea. Obi-Odu had contested the governorship with Duke last year under the platform of the National Democratic Party (NDP). But ever since the polls failed Obi-Odu, he had unleashed the sword of war against the governor. And till last week Thursday, the case of irregularity against Duke was still being argued against him by the election tribunal of the state.

Duke's traducers had also accused him of neither possessing the law degree he claimed to have nor did he ever serve the mandatory NYSC. The Election tribunal after listening to various submissions had subpoenaed Duke to produce all his certificates. But the tribunal soon reversed itself by asking Duke to ignore the order.

But Obi-Odu has long appealed that self reversal. The hearing is yet to be determined. The NYSC director in one of the evidence sessions, had said the only record found in Duke's file was a record indicating that Duke collected exemption certificate.

Recently, Duke's classmates at the Law faculty of Ahmadu Bello Univeristy (class of 82) paid him a solidarity visit, in what has been perceived as a way of substantiating that he indeed was in that institution. But opponents insist the visit did not establish that Duke graduated with the said former classmates.

That gap may have fuelled the resolve of the opposition to get to the bottom of the case. Will Duke survive it? Or Will his traducers nail him?

Rivers State

Come April 16, Governor Peter Odili of Rivers State would either heave a big sigh of relief or have his political destiny further embattled when the Governorship Election Tribunal sitting in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, would deliver its judgment. The five-man tribunal presided over by Justice Tijani Abdullahi adjourned from the last sitting of the case after final submissions had been made by counsels to both the petitioner, Chief Sergeant Awuse and the governor respectively. Awuse is protesting the victory of Governor Odili in the last April 19 governorship election in the state, complaining that there were irregularities in all the 23 local government areas. In the battle to prove his case, Awuse's counsel, Chief Mike Okoye had called 183 out of 400 witnesses at his disposal, to prove the allegation of irregularities in the election in the state.

In the litigating process that had followed, witnesses had tendered thousands of un-used cards from various local government areas and had come up with the argument that the non-stamping and signing of the voters' cards by INEC officials at the polling centres was proof that there was no election in the affected areas.

But there had also been counter-arguments from both counsel to the governor and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) who sought to dispute the claims of Awuse. Counsel to INEC for instance, had argued that said that in section 4d 1 & 11, there was nothing in the electoral act that made stamping of voters' cards mandatory.

It would be recalled that the Odili/Awuse case has gone through some winding corners. The first election tribunal that began hearing on Awuse's petition had thrown out his case on technical grounds. Not satisfied, Awuse had to appeal that verdict and consequently, the Court of Appeal ordered a retrial of the petition. But that decision was however challenged by Governor Odili at the Supreme Court, an appeal he lost as the apex court reaffirmed the order of the Court of Appeal that the case be referred to the tribunal for retrial.

And that was how the saga began afresh and with about three weeks to the d-day of ruling, the Rivers Governor must be sleeping with one eye open.

Oyo State

The present crisis rocking the Oyo State Government headed by Governor Rashidi Ladoja in his battle of supremacy with the acclaimed god-father of Oyo politics, Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu actually began long before this dispensation.

During the General Sani Abacha era, attempts were made to deal with Adedibu who had become a strong force in the politics of Oyo State. The present governor, Ladoja was one of these people.

The local government elections of that time provided the opportunity to show their stuff to Adedibu as they roundly defeated his candidates at the polls. But this was how far they could go. When it was time to pick a candidate for the 2003 governorship election in Oyo State, aspirants in the PDP struggled to get the support of Adedibu.

Alhaji Yekini Adeojo who was defeated by former governor Lam Adesina in the 1999 polls bidded for a second opportunity under the PDP platform, but that was a tall dream in a state were many powerful politicians also wanted the same position. With the support of Adedibu, Ladoja beat Adeojo to secure the ticket of PDP. Adedibu was also partly responsible for Ladoja's eventual victory at the polls.

Not long after Ladoja was sworn in that he fell out with Adedibu.

Shortly after Ladoja was sworn in, a massive bronze statue erected by the Adesina administration in honour of Obafemi Awolowo was hewn down by men suspected to have been acting under Adedibu's instruction. It was a visibly embarrassed Ladoja who apologised and tried to deny impressions that the act was carried out by agents of the PDP. In the weeks after the election, the governor and his godfather were reported to have disagreed over the sharing of portfolios in the state cabinet. Adedibu according to reports was said to have submitted the names of 13 individuals to the governor to be made commissioners. The governor who had planned to have 14 commissioners, was said to have been flustered.

The case between Ladoja and the acclaimed strongman Adedibu reflects a perfect example of a house divided against itself. Perhaps, since the governor is not being challenged by a rival contestant who lost to him at the polls, internal forces within the ruling PDP seems to have picked up the gauntlet to do battle with him.

Trouble reportedly broke out between the duo when on assuming office, the governor tried to assert the independence of his office and in the process, shoved aside political forces whose efforts assisted in the electoral victory. Indeed, to confirm the situation, Ladoja has since declared that he was not ready to be stooge to anybody in the state.

But Adedibu will not take this kindly. He has since mobilized his forces in an attempt to rein in the governor. And there has been tension as the two camps matched up to each other dangerously at different occasions. And that was why many political observers believed that the local government elections in Oyo State would produce a large dose of violence. Unfortunately, the fears and apprehension were not lived out. But what is continuing to play out is the unhealthy power tussle between a political godfather and an estranged political son. Until the battle is resolved amicably, Governor Ladoja is sure to remain burdened with his desire to assert himself in office.

Adamawa State

The news of nullification of the election of Governor Bori Haruna stands out as the most shocking news so far since the commencement of this dispensation. Not just because no governor has ever been so defeated at the tribunal, but also because of Haruna represents in the present power configuration in the country. Elected as deputy to Atiku in 1999 gubernatorial election in Adamawa State, he was later be sworn in as substantial governor of the state following Atiku's nomination as vice president to the PDP's presidential nominee, Obasanjo.

With the victory of the PDP at the presidential poll in 1999, Haruna's position became further secured as an anointed governor of the vice president. he has never denied Atiku as god-father and their relationship as been so managed that no friction has been reported between them till now. The suspected high-handedness of the ruling party, PDP and alleged interference of the presidency in the workings of the judiciary are other reasons why Haruna of all governors was least expected to lose a legal battle of this nature.

But penultimate week, an electoral tribunal nullified his election, upholding opposition claims that April 2003 polls were rigged. Justice Kashim Zanna of the state electoral tribunal in the Adamawa State capital, Yola, voided election results in 14 of the 21 local government councils of the state. Zanna ruled that Haruna was "not validly elected" and his election was therefore "nullified".

Fresh elections in the affected local government councils have been ordered.

This is not the only shock. Vice President Atiku Abubakar's home council, Jada, where a witness told the court the election result had been altered by a top electoral official was included in the list of councils whose results were suspected to have been rigged. The witness had claimed that the offending electoral official had wanted to save Atiku the embarrassment of losing in his council.

The Vice President rose in anger over the judgement and was alleged to have reacted in away that belittle his status by raining invectives on the judge. Atiku's aides had denied this. But what cannot be denied is the shock that the judgement has caused the PDP and the presidency. The president has ordered his lawyer, Afe Babalola to team up with Haruna's defence in the legal fireworks that will rule the appeal.

The chairman of PDP board of trustees, Chief Anthony Anenih in the team of a powerful delegation that went to commiserate with Governor Haruna and pledge support to his cause, unequivocally said "there is no vacancy in Adamawa governor's office."

As part of efforts to accomplish this no vacancy declaration, the Vice-President, on Monday night, met with Babalola, who led three other lawyers, including Haruna's lead counsel at the tribunal, Mr. Rickey Tarfa (SAN), to consider the grounds of appeal.

Anambra State

The Anambra State's political saga remains the most dramatic of all god-father-god-son clash so far. The crisis had seemered for a long time, while people paid little attention to it. It was however possible that the embattled governor, Chris Ngige, knew the crisis was this big. But he definitely would underplay the forces just as methods that would be deployed by his estranged god-father, Chris Uba.

But on June 10, 2003, his office in the Anambra Government House was turned to a theater and the drama that happened remains a thriller up till today. At about 1p.m, it was reported that Ngige was in his office, when he heard some noise in the outer office, as if there was a fracas. Then the Assistant Inspector General of Police (AIG) in charge of Zone 9, Mr. Raphael Ige, came into Ngige's office.

Ngige reportedly asked him: "Don't they know you? Why are they trying to stop you from coming in? Are they not your boys?" Ige was said to have replied: "Don't mind them." The AIG then sat down. The governor offered him a drink and he turned it down. "This is not a matter of drink," he replied. The governor was said to have become curious at this stage. "What's going on?" he reportedly asked. "I have been instructed from Abuja to come here and stay with you. You can't phone. You must not communicate with the outside world. My instruction is to remain here with you," he replied. "Has there been a coup?" Ngige asked. "No," the AIG said. "Nothing has happened." At this stage, the governor requested to use his phone. "You can't phone," the AIG ordered. Then, this allegedly led to a struggle for the phone. The AIG collected the receiver and replaced it. "Can't I call my secretary?" the governor asked. "No. You can't. My job is to stay here with you," he said.

This was the beginning of Ngige's travails. Something had snapped between the god-father and his son.

This was the beginning of Ngige's travails. The confusion that followqed shook the governor so much that he must have had cause to imagined himself out of the Anambra Government House at some instance. But he has also been dogged in this fight so well that his continued survival in the office is as a result of his last minute resolute struggle against his assailants.

A new drama was added last week when the federal Government stated in court that as far as it was concerned, Ngige is on his own, that Anambra has no valid governor.

The government's position is contained in article seven of the 1st defendant's statement of defence and counter-claim in suit No: SC/3/2004 at the Supreme Court in Abuja, between the Anambra State of Nigeria, the Attorney General of Anambra State (plaintiffs) and the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Attorney General of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Attorneys-General of the 36 states of Nigeria who are all defendants.

The Federal Republic of Nigeria is the first defendant whose statement of defence and counter-claim dated March 19, was filed by Chief Philip Umeadi (SAN) for Adewole Adebayo & Co, the 1st defendant's counsel.

In its statement of defence and counter-claim, in suit NO: SC/3/2004, the Federal Government (1st defendant) is further claiming that in accordance with the provisions of section 291(2) of the 1999 Constitution, Anambra's Chief Judge, Justice Chuka Okoli, is deemed to have ceased to hold office as at June 15, 2002, all his acts including, but not limited to the administration of oath of office and oath of allegiance to the first defendant, Dr. Chris Ngige, the Governor of Anambra State are unconstitutional, and therefore null, void and of no effect.

Article seven of the 1st defendant's statement of defence and counter-clai