THISDAYonline

As the usual horse-trading begins among politicians scrambling for elective offices ahead of 2007 general elections, keen watchers of Imo state politics are apprehensive of a potential time bomb wanting to explode. The on-going move by a section of the state to change the zonal arrangement, many think, may sound the death knell of the harmonious political relationship existing in the state.

For instance, the Orlu Senatorial zone of the state is being accused of trying to turn the apple cart of the state's political equation.

The zone, which well-meaning citizens of the state agreed should produce the governor then in 1999, may have now resloved that it will hold on to the governorship position beyond 2007.

At the creation of Imo state in 1976, the state had five senatorial zones of Umuahia, Aba, Okigwe, Orlu and Owerri. During the politics of 1979, the defunct National Peoples Party (NPP) was in charge of Igboland and ceded the party's governorship ticket to late Chief Sam Mbakwe, who eventually became governor. In National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Chief Collins Obih an Orlu son vigorously campaigned for the ticket but was beaten by late Chief Nwakama Okoro from Umuahia senatorial district. Even at that, an Orlu indigene contested the governorship election that year and lost.

In 1983, Obih got the NPN ticket to challenge Mbakwe. He lost and Mbakwe's second tenure was truncated on December 31, 1983 by the coup d'etat of May Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd). By 1991, Abia State was created out of the then Imo State at a time the heat of the governorship campaigns was intensifying. Prominent Orlu sons such as Dr Ezekiel Izuogu, Dr Izugbokwe, Dr Douglas Acholonu and Chief Ike Onunaku from Mgbidi among others were in the race. In fairness to Okigwe zone, they restrained their people from running knowing fully well that they had had their turn. When the primaries were conducted in the two political parties, Chief Evan Enwerem of the National Republican Convention (NRC), who eventually became governor defeated Acholonu from Orlu to the second position while Prof. Fabian Osuji also from Owerri zone defeated Izuogu from Orlu to pick the ticket of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Later, the national electoral body disqualified Osuji and ordered for a fresh primary in Imo SDP. It is instructive to note that an Orlu indigene, Sen. Arthur Nzeribe vowed that his fellow Orlu kinsman, Izuogu, would never win the primaries. It was on account of this that Nzeribe was said to have supported the then PDP chairman in the state, Dr Alex Obi, who was then a prot‚g‚ of Izuogu to trounce him at the primaries. That was how two Owerri sons contested the governorship in 1991. It was not because Orlu believed that it was the turn of Owerri indigenes that they lost at the primaries.

At the resumption of active politics in 1998, there was a consensus that the governorship position of the state be zoned to Orlu. In fact, that unwritten agreement was so well pronounced and effective that there was a preponderance of aspirants from the zone. The United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) which was the strongest party during Abacha's era had a surfeit of them. The Democratic Peoples Party (DPN) had a sprinkle while other parties were also parading their stars. With the coming of Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (rtd), the parties collapsed into Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Peoples Party (APP) and the Aliance for Democracy (AD) and the aspirants accordingly found accommodation in places of their choice. That was how Izuogu and Enwerem found themselves in APP, while Chiefs Greg Mbadiwe, Rochas Okorocha, Achike Udenwa, Humphrey Anumudu and others congregated in PDP. Because it had been tacitly agreed that Orlu zone should produce the governor of the state in 1999, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, the biggest player then in APP collaborated with other Owerri and Okigwe sons to deny Enwerem the APP ticket. It was handed over on a platter of gold to Izuogu, an Orlu son, without any primaries. In anger, Enwerem dumped APP and aligned with PDP.

In the keenly contested PDP primaries, but the then leaders of PDP, Chief I.D Nwaoga, Chief Bon Nwakanma and Chief Emeka Echeruo from Owerri and Okigwe respectively supported the emergence of Chief Achike.

That was how the stage was set for an 'all Orlu contest' in 1999. When Udenwa indicated interest to seek re-election in 2003, his greatest challenger was once again an Orlu son in the person of Izuogu. The Okigwe traditional rulers disowned their son, Hon Emeka Nwajiuba who ran under NDP while Owerri people voted against their son, Humphrey Anumudu of ANPP. In all these the understanding was that in 2007, either Okigwe or Owerri zone will produce the governor. Therefore for Orlu people to now lay claim to that post again iamounts to an attempt to disrupt the existing political equilibrium in the state.

Observers expressed the belief that it is natural for politicians to fly a kite for bargaining purposes but when the kite is flown by the governor of the state, the supposed father of all, then something becomes fishy.

Within the last five years, since Udenwa came into power, Orlu people have entrenched themselves into every strategic positions in Imo State. With a powerful secretary to state government, Nze Ignatius Umunnah they have systematically taken over the civil service. All the principal officers in the State University are from Orlu while strategic parastatals and extra ministerial departments are headed by them. "So how can a people who have gotten so much still dream of holding on to the governorship perpetually?", asked an agitated politician from Okigwe, adding that "It is even amazing that Governor Udenwa should allow himself to be dragged into clannish politics headed for disastrous consequences."

However, in the light of the foregoing, it is instructive to note that it is high time other zones are allowed to participate in the affairs and administration of the state since the development of the state is a collective responsibility which every stakeholder in the state has right of claim to.

Since Udenwa is still having three years to hold on to power, it is pertinent that the zoning formular also favour other senatorial zones.